Thursday, December 21, 2006


"The Kurdish bombers and planners in Turkey, meanwhile, were part of Turkish Hezbollah (even if they have re-branded themselves) and are also Islamic fundamentalists. These terrorists, amazingly enough, are widely believed to have been financed by the Turkish government itself until about 1999 -- a strategy that seems akin to extinguishing a fire with gasoline."
~ Ximena Ortiz.

In January of the year 2000, in Istanbul, there was a shoot out between Turkish police and Turkish Hezbollah. The event was broadcast live on Turkish TV and when it was finished, the head of Turkish Hezbollah, Huseyin Velioglu, was dead and two of his associates captured. In the end, prosecutors were able to charge and try members of Turkish Hezbollah for the murders of 156 people. Videotapes recording the torture Turkish Hezbollah had carried out on its victims were among the evidence obtained from the house by the Ankara regime. The contents of those videotapes have never been revealed. Why?

Turkish Hezbollah emerged from The Southeast sometime in the mid-1980s, at the same time that Turgut Ozal, among others, and the pashas were creating the Turkish-Islamic synthesis. In the early 1990s, one branch of the group, the Ilim branch, the one that Huseyin Velioglu eventually came to head, decided to take revenge against the PKK for having killed one of Turkish Hezbollah's leaders. The state encouraged this because it was a cheap way to fight PKK and the Ankara regime couldn't pass up the irony of Kurd killing Kurd. It also allowed the regime to keep more Mehmetciks out of harms' way. After all, the life of each one is worth the entire world.

The Ilim branch probably decided to engage in a little bit of false flag operations by killing off the main leaders of the other branch of Turkish Hezbollah, the Menzil branch. Turkish security forces (notably Ozel Timler and Ozel Hareket Timler) specialized in false flag operations as part of the psyops, or black ops, that were taught to them by NATO, particularly the US. More than likely, Turkish security forces taught Turkish Hezbollah whatever it needed to know. In 1996, the Ilim branch of Turkish Hezbollah effectively put an end to the milder, Menzil branch. The assassinations of the Menzil leadership also cleared the way for the more radical version of Turkish Hezbollah, the Ilim branch, to run amock, with the assistance of Turkish state security forces.

A report by the UNHCR seems to verify rumors that, although Iran had some influence in helping to establish Turkish Hezbollah in conjunction with the Ankara regime, it pulled out of the venture early on because Turkish Hezbollah was too violent, too extreme for the mullahs. According to information from the UNHCR, the Ilim branch "had an ideological aversion to Iran, which adhered to Shia Islam; the Ilim group was striving for a Sunni Islam state," which is in accordance with Ankara's Turkish-Islamic synthesis. This would make fellow travelers of Turkish Hezbollah and Turkish security forces, especially Ozel Timler and Ozel Hareket Timler, whose members are recruited from the extremist Gray Wolves. Everyone will remember that it was a Gray Wolf who attempted to assassinate Pope John Paul 2.

But the videotapes from the house in Istanbul . . . why were they never released? Are they still in existence? Probably not. Writing the month after Velioglu was fired up by Ozel Hareket Timler, Kani Xulam described the best reason for the regime's turning against Turkish Hezbollah and need to conceal the videotapes:

At Beykoz, in Istanbul, he [Velioglu] could have been easily tricked out of his house and arrested to account for his crimes. But the police chose to kill him and in so doing wanted to protect certain circles in the government.

But enough has surfaced about him to ascertain that he was a Kurd in name only. He allowed himself to be used by the Turkish government against his people's rising struggle for political rights and self-determination. With Kurdish rebels' declaration of peace, he became a burden and liability. He was killed because he knew the dirty laundry of too many. Some careers might have come to an abrupt end with his admissions. A few can now rest and die as statesmen worthy of Machiavelli's "Prince".

Deep State strikes again.

More recently, after the Istanbul bombings in 2003, Charles Radin, writing for the Boston Globe, describes Turkish Hezbollah as backfiring on the Ankara regime in the same way that al-Qaeda has backfired on the US:

When the Kurdish rebellion wound down in 1999, Hezbollah's usefulness to the security forces ended and the state moved -- by most accounts unsuccessfully -- to wipe it out.

Police who in 2000 raided two houses in Konya rented by Hezbollah members found dozens of bodies -- including the tortured and burned corpse of Konca Kuris, 39, a mother of five who was a leading Muslim feminist. The body count nationwide was in the hundreds.

The authorities' failure to destroy Hezbollah became clear the following year, when Hezbollah militants killed the police chief of Diyarbakir, a major southeastern city, and five other officers. This led to further suppression efforts in 2002, the failure of which was demonstrated by the Hezbollah connections of at least two of the four recent Istanbul suicide bombers and a recent, unconfirmed operation in Konya.

[ . . . ]

Further, said Ozlem Tur Kavli, a professor of international relations at Middle East Technical University who specializes in studies of Islamist groups, there are growing questions since the Istanbul bombings about the commitment of the ruling party -- which itself has Islamist roots -- to pursuing Islamic militants.

"Hezbollah is big in Bingol, in Batman" -- cities to which the recent suicide bombers had direct ties -- "but the government has turned a blind eye," Kavli said.

She noted that top government officials have stopped using terms associating Islamic militants with terror since a recent speech by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in which he said that "the expression `Islamic terror' offends me."

Officials now speak of "religionist terror" and refer far less often to Hezbollah connections to the bombings than they did in the days immediately following the blasts, domestic and foreign analysts note. Also, three leading anti-Hezbollah police commanders recently were transferred to cities with no known militant activities. The government said the transfers were part of a routine rotation that involved a total of 28 top police officials.

Writing in 2004, after the simultaneous Ansar al-Islam bombings in Hewler against the PUK and KDP, Ximena Ortiz makes a wise observation:

Although the past alliance between Turkish Hezbollah and the Turkish government has been widely documented, many news reports failed to point out this important dynamic, which demonstrates how explosive Kurdish issues have been in the region.

A Nov. 27 article in The New York Times points out that the bombers had "strong connections to Turkish Hezbollah," but fails to mention the connection of that group to the Turkish government.

Yes, it's widely known that Turkish Hezbollah is an arm of the Turkish Deep State. And you should bear that in mind that when you read that "authorities" say Turkish Hezbollah is issuing terror threats.

Deep State is getting ready to strike again.


Anonymous said...

Only reasonable Kurdish Islamists I've seen are the KIU. Why would Kurds be called "Turkish Hezbollah"? And weren't these the same guys that were fighting other Kurds in the late 90s? Kill them all for all I'm concerned.

Vlad said...

You didnt read this article:

Mizgîn said...

Kurds are called "Turkish Hezbollah" because the growth of this organization was encouraged by the Ankara regime. Because the founding of the organization is shadowy, it's very possible that it was actually founded by the Ankara regime. Of course they were fighting other Kurds in the 1990s, specifically PKK. However, most of those murdered by them, like those whose bodies were dug up around Turkish Hezbollah houses, were non-PKK Kurds.

I did read that article a while ago, Vladimir. Onder Aytac and Emre Uslu--Tabloid journalism at its best.